By Michael Regenstreif
Like many, I was terribly unhappy, as the Israeli election
campaign wound down, to see Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seemingly reverse
his support for a two-state solution to Israel’s conflict with the
Palestinians; a stand he has taken – at least publicly – since a 2009 speech at
Bar-Ilan University.
But, in an interview published March 16, the day before the
election, Netanyahu told NRG, a Hebrew-language Israeli news website, “I
think anyone who is going to establish a Palestinian state and to evacuate
territory is giving radical Islam a staging ground against the State of Israel.
This is the reality that has been created here in recent years. Anyone who ignores
it has his head in the sand.”
Perhaps taken aback, the interviewer sought clarification
from Netanyahu. “If you are a prime minister, there will be no Palestinian
state?” he asked. “Indeed,” Netanyahu responded.
It was a purposeful message aimed at getting hardline
supporters of other right-wing parties to coalesce around Likud. With polls
consistently showing right-wing support stagnant and Likud trailing the Zionist
Union led by Isaac Herzog, the prime minister understood his path to victory
could well depend on drawing voters away from other right-wing parties.
And it worked. The number of right-wing seats in the new
Knesset will be the same as in the last one – but significantly more of them
will be held by Likud MKs.
I believe the two-state solution is the only resolution to
the conflict that will protect Israel’s future as a Jewish and democratic state
and offer Palestinians the ability to build their own state and future. And it
is a position that has been consistently supported by the majority of Israelis
in countless opinion polls.
The two-state solution is also supported by the governments
of virtually every Western democracy – from the countries of the European Union
to the United States to here in Canada. Yes, even Canada, where our prime minister,
Stephen Harper, seems to be almost alone among world leaders in having a
genuine personal friendship with Netanyahu, our government has never wavered
from its official support for a negotiated two-state solution to the conflict.
While Netanyahu understood that changing his public stance
on a two-state solution would help keep him in the Prime Minister’s Office, he
also surely understood that such a policy would further isolate him – and
Israel – on the world stage and would provide ammunition to those seeking to
delegitimize the Jewish state.
Truth be told, reaching the two-state solution is highly
unlikely under the current Palestinian leadership – and the current Israeli
leadership. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas walked away from a
2008 settlement offer that should have ended the conflict. And, since then, he
has used any and every excuse to avoid negotiations.
And Netanyahu’s government has frequently taken actions –
particularly in regard to settlement expansion – that it knew would give the
Palestinians the reasons they need to justify avoiding negotiations.
And then, on Election Day itself, Netanyahu took to Facebook
to rally his supporters because Arab-Israelis were voting “in droves.” As
Barbara Crook suggests in her analysis on page 49, the comment was racist and
divisive.
So, would racism and opposition to a peace settlement be the
face of the next Netanyahu government?
The day after the election, I saw an interview with Israeli
Ambassador Rafael Barak on CBC News Network’s Power and Politics. The
ambassador, when asked about those statements, suggested they were made in the
heat of a campaign and would be dialled back.
And, sure enough, Netanyahu himself took to American TV the
next day, to do just that.
“I don’t want a one-state solution, I want a sustainable
peaceful two-state solution, but, for that, circumstances have to change,” he
told NBC correspondent Andrea Mitchell, pointing to Islamist turmoil in the
Middle East and the Palestinian Authority’s recent arrangements with Hamas.
And about his comments on Arab voters, Netanyahu said he
wasn’t trying to suppress Arab voters, he was trying to stand up to
“foreign-funded” efforts to topple his government by getting out the Arab vote.
“I was calling on our voters to come out.”
It will likely be some weeks before we know the composition
of Israel’s next government. While it appears probable that a right-wing
coalition will emerge, I can’t help but think, after such a deliberately
divisive campaign, that a national unity government is what’s truly needed.